If no banned weapons are found in Iraq, then one of three
things is also likely true.
1. There are no weapons in Iraq because Saddam Hussein hid
them so well they couldn't be deployed during the war, and so
even the captured members of Iraq's house of cards don't know
where they are (funny Hussein didn't do as well with his
billions in ill-gotten cash and gold);
2. There are no weapons because they were destroyed shortly
before the war, as Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld
recently mused, meaning that the mere threat of war was enough
to contain Iraq, and thus the fighting -- and the deaths of
more than 160 Americans, nearly 50 Britons and untold numbers
of Iraqis -- were unnecessary. Or worse, the weapons were
looted or otherwise dispersed in the chaos that followed the
war, meaning that the war accomplished exactly the opposite of
its goals.
3. There are no banned weapons in Iraq because Saddam
Hussein abandoned or destroyed them years ago, as his
government claimed to the very end (and as at least one member
of Bush's Defense Policy Board has speculated). In other
words, Iraq did not, as the Bush administration claimed, pose
a clear and present danger to the United States.
If the third thing is true, then one of three things is
also likely true:
1. The U.S. intelligence services were just plain wrong
about the existence of WMD, and thus cannot be fully trusted
to provide the critical information to safeguard us from
threats abroad, as they were unequal to the domestic task
prior to 9/11;
2. The intelligence services were right, and told the Bush
administration that there was no WMD threat but their findings
were ignored and/or politicized by the administration to
justify war, as some current and former intelligence analysts
have complained,
3. The Bush administration was determined to go to war and
would have done so whatever the intelligence services told
them.
If the third thing is true, then one of three things is
also likely true;
1. The Bush administration believed that in the end, its
claims about Iraq would be borne out, regardless of the
intelligence (perhaps believing exaggeration-prone Iraqi
exiles over hard-working CIA analysts);
2. The WMD claims were simply a marketing ruse to sway a
public that otherwise would not have supported a war of "Iraqi
liberation", and so the intelligence was irrelevant;
3. The administration knew its assertions were dubious or
wrong, and deliberately lied to the American people,
regardless of the expense in lives and dollars that could
continue for years to come, for some other reason.
If the third thing is true, then one of three things is
also likely true.
1. The Bush administration justified misleading the
American people because it feels it must fight the war on
terror on its own terms, regardless of the proprieties, in
order to save American lives;
2. The Bush administration has granted itself the power to
deceive the American people and imperil American soldiers
because it is emboldened by the sheer power of empire;
3. or the Bush administration has committed American lives
and treasure for some other, perhaps more ignoble, reason (to
distract from the blighted economy? To make a show of fighting
the war on terror? To secure Bush's reelection?)
And if the third thing is true, then one of three things is
also likely true.
1. The untruths about WMD were foisted upon the White House
by the Pentagon, through it's secretive "Office of Special
Plans" or from some other quarter within the neoconservative
core of the administration, and the president was brought
along for the ride, (in which case the White House should
investigate);
2. The untruths were a shared commodity of the White House
and Pentagon (something members of Congress, including Florida
Rep. Porter Goss, already plan to investigate);
3. The massaging of facts came from the White House and
worked its way from the political wing on down.
And if the third thing is true, and the war was some sort
of Karl Rovian calculation by which the White House placed
politics before propriety, and the power of this president
ahead of the lives of America's fighting men and women, then
the fact that most Americans don't seem to give a damn whether
or not the weapons are ever found, as most polls indicate,
could be the most damning indictment of American democracy
yet. A thousand Gulfs of Tonkin couldn't be more ignominious
than a public that can't be bothered to ask why its soldiers
have died.
Joy-Ann Reid is a writer living in Florida. Her column
appears periodically in the Miami Herald. She can be contacted
atmailto:joyannreid@hotmail.com.
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